For the critical globalisation movement, the summits of the “8 Powerful“ are part of a fixed programme regarding the agenda of resistance – and the G8 Summit 2007 in Heiligendamm is also marked red in the calendar. An important part of political work is already concentrating on local and international mobilisation.
The informal association of the “most important industrial countries” has progressed extraordinarily in the last decades: Created by a circle of political and economical dominant states in 1975, the then G6 was formed as a co-ordinating platform, which would secure their influence on the world economy and their hegemonic position within it. The summits were supposed to deal with the “urgent problems of our world today” during “spontaneous” and preferably non-bureaucratic meetings. Since the mid 1990s, the summit claims a far more comprehensive position: Apart from economical issues the negotiations referred to subjects such as security, migration control, environment or “war against terror”.
The alternative summits of the NGOs and the counter-summits of the protesters seem to accept the claimed position of the G8, because also from within the movement concrete demands are addressed to the G8. Therefore, the impression is strengthened that this board would have power to defy the principles of neo-liberal globalisation. If this impression is affirmed by public performances of ultimately unfruitful initiatives of the G8, then one aim of these equally symbolical events is reached: the G8 appears as a legitimate part of a “global governance”. But the confrontational demand – “Abolish G8!” – is problematic, too: If the consensus needed to secure the global hegemony could not be accomplished within the framework of the summits, wouldn’t this happen elsewhere, in a similar undemocratic way?
Therefore, we think it is necessary to develop a profound criticism of the G8, but also a self-criticism of the counter-mobilisation. Behind the annual fog of self-performance and symbolical politics, it is essential to recognise the role of the G8 within the global ruling relations. Which form does the power of the G8 take? Do we consider the G8 rather as a vanishing point or as a mirror of the global power relations? Depending on the answers, the direction of the protest against the G8 would be: For or against summit-hopping? Is a determined protest against a violently sealed off summit able to symbolically show the undemocratic politics or even to really stop the summit? Or will the focus on these events even highlight the claim of power of the G8 through media attention? Or is the massive criticism used by the G8 for their purposes?
With these questions we would like to provide space for discussion to enable a critical view and contributions to avoid a quick assumption of “beaten tracks” and hence strengthen the global and local struggles beyond the days of the G8 Summit.
With: Infotour
Who is in fact the Group of 8? Which decisions are taken at the summits (and which aren’t)? Why are there protests against the summits? The crash course G8 as a workshop will offer an introduction to the subject of the 8 “most powerful industrial nations” and their annual meetings as well as to the protests and forms of resistance against them.
With: Markus Wissen (BUKO ASWW), Nicola Liebert (journalist, to be confirmed)
Technically the G8 is a nobody. It still exerts influence, but where? Does it exert the necessary pressure on other countries through its majority in international organisations such as the World Bank and the IMF? Or is the effect of the summits to be found on a completely different level: Are summits mainly symbolical performances and rituals of dominance?
With: Werner Rätz (ila, to be confirmed), felS (to be confirmed)
In this demand political positions crystallise. Does it makes sense to demand “Abolish G8!”, because the G8 is an important allegory for global oppression? Or is the G8 only a necessary evil which could be replaced by other mechanisms any time? Does the demand miss the core of the matter? Which demands make sense if we want to clarify our analysis of the meetings, but also of further power relations?
Food not Bombs - Repka Rebels collective; No Leningrad Cowboys, Berlin
Information about the preparations for the protests against the G8 summit in St.Petersburg July 15-17, 2006, about the topics of the summit and about legal details. We will also discuss how the protests can be supported from elsewhere, e.g.on the Global Action Day on July 14. (There will be an extra workshop on this issue within the framework of the G8 networking meeting)
To continue the planning, discussions and co-ordination of the resistance against the G8 Summits in St. Petersburg and Heiligendamm we will provide spaces for the network of radical left groups during two afternoons (Friday & Saturday). Thus we want to enable linkages between the debate of contents and the concrete organisation of resistance during the BUKO.
Blicero (supporto legale Genova)
There are four major court cases happening in Genova at the moment: the case against 29 police officers accused of crimes relating to the horrific raid on the Diaz school on July 21, 2001. A second case, the prosecution of 48 Carabinieri, police officers, prison guards and police medical officers from Bolzaneto - Carabinieri barracks used for temporary detention - is running in parallel with the Diaz case. The case against 7 policemen charged of abuse of an activist is almost closed. Finally there is the first major trial against 25 Italian activists who each face 8-15 years of prison. Blicero will inform about the state of the trials and how legal support is organized politically as well as technically.
With: six hills et. al.
G8 Summits have become important events for the critical globalisation movement. They can help to make protest visible, to link groups, to try new forms of communication and co-existence in common actions. But also critical voices are rising: Does the concentration on such selected events cost a lot of energy lacking in local struggles that disappears without effect after the summit? When and under which circumstances does summit protest make sense?
With: Philipp Hersel (BLUE 21) et. al.
The summits of the past years unveiled obvious changes: The relocation of the venue to remote places easier to seal off seems to be the most obvious. But do the protests also have an effect on the politics of the G8? Are the campaigns and demonstrations the reason for the setting of subjects like poverty or does the choice of issues finally depend much more on national interests of the presidential country? And on the other hand, how does summit protest and the measures taken by the G8, change the movement itself – be it through co-optation and splits or through networking and strengthening?
With: Blicero (Supporto Legale Genua), Dave (Indymedia UK Volunteer, London), Matt (Pigbrother, Zürich), Silke Studzinsky (RAV/European Legal Team, Berlin); Suus (Soligruppe Maarten, Amsterdam/Göteborg)
Mass protests have become a standard accompaniment of G8, WTO, EU and World Bank summits during these last few years. Many of those who are active in these protests have been confronted with a level of repression that is new to civil protest movements. The aim of this discussion is to analyse structures and dynamics of the summit repression in order to be better prepared for future mobilisations.
With the example of some mobilisations (Gothenburg, Genoa, Geneva, Gleneagles), typical patterns of police strategy, official legitimation and legal prosecution are sought to be uncovered.
With: BUKO ASWW.
The current discussion paper of the Working Group on World Economy (ASWW) was published in March 06 in the newspaper ak. The presented assumptions concerning the mobilisation against the upcoming G8 Summits and the organisation of an emancipatory left may be discussed with the authors.
FelS, NoLager Bremen, kein mensch ist illegal Hanau and many other
To continue the planning, discussions and co-ordination of the resistance against the G8 Summits in St. Petersburg and Heiligendamm we will provide spaces for the network of radical left groups during two afternoons (Friday & Saturday). Thus we want to enable linkages between the debate of contents and the concrete organisation of resistance during the BUKO.
